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Early in September while addressing a public
gathering in Dundori in Subukia constituency,
Musyoka, lifted the one-year-old ban on the
infamous shamba system. Kalonzo’s action impressed
local MPs Koigi wa Wamwere and former District
Forestry Officer Musa Sirma (now MP for Eldama
Ravine). While The two politicians celebrated,
the move angered Kalonzo’s assistant, world
famous environmentalist, Professor Wangari Maathai,
who to this day has persistently opposed the
reintroduction of the shamba system.
A day after issuing this order, Musyoka restated
his stance: “We must encourage farmers to own
forests. That is the only way afforestation
programmes will succeed. Keeping them away from
forests is not the best way of conserving the
resource.” Musyoka said at Karura while receiving
some Kshs 200 million from the US ambassador
to Kenya William Bellamy for forests programmes
in the country.
While it is healthy to debate on the merits
and demerits of the shamba system, it is saddening
to note that Minister Musyoka has been playing
politics with his docket instead of giving direction
and elucidating clear government policy on the
matter. While we do not begrudge him his political
ambitions, it is obvious that the minister is
doing his portfolio a great disservice.
The current debate on the shamba system is actually
a side-show. The real issues affecting the country’s
forestry sector is the Johnny-come lately approach
to issues by the Ministry of Environment and
Natural Resources (MENR). Indeed the problem
is with the ministry not the communities living
around forests.
A critical look at the Ministry of Environment
and Natural Resources (MENR) reveals a sleeping
giant. MENR is fully empowered with all the
necessary powers, but due to ignorance, misinformed
opinions and lack of charisma from the sitting
minister (both past and present) has floundered
miserably. The continued misinformation by the
press alluding to MENR as a backwater ministry,
hasn’t helped matters, instead it has led to
this ministry’s under-performance.
Twenty-two months since the National Rainbow
Coalition (NARC) took over, the reins of power,
it has slated major changes for the country’s
forestry sector. Key among these changes was
to pass the all-encompassing Forestry Bill 2004;
relaunch the Kenya Forestry Master Plan (KFMP);
and reclaim grabbed forestry lands as espoused
by the yet-to-be-released Ndung’u Report.
These three issues mark major milestones in
Kenya’s forestry sector.
In June last year, the NARC administration
translated its election manifesto into a fully
fledged (White Paper) government working document.
This was when it launched the highly ambitious
and acclaimed Economic Recovery Strategy for
Wealth and Employment (ERS). On forestry and
mining the ERS notes: “Forestry and mining are
important not only because of the direct consumable
products such as timber, but also because of
the impact that their exploitation has on the
environment and productivity of other sectors.
In particular, agricultural productivity is
significantly dependent on forests and a healthy
environment. Although mining has not featured
highly in the economic agenda, the combined
output of various industrial materials is significant.
The forestry and mining sector is faced with
many constraints, which hamper its development.
These constraints include inadequate policy,
legal and institutional framework governing
natural resources exploitation. There is inadequate
community participation in management of the
environment and natural resources. Besides,
there is insufficient information on natural
resources inventory. The forestry in particular
has been seriously affected by weak governance,
which has led to unprecedented destruction of
forests with serious environmental consequences.
This has been exacerbated by lack of cheaper
alternative sources of energy. Inappropriate
policies on alternative fuels like kerosene
have resulted in deforestation.
“Inorder to overcome the constraints noted
above and encourage new investments and competition
in the sector, the government is already implementing
measures aimed at accelerating the expansion
of forest cover and repossession of forest land
that had been irregularly allocated to private
developers. The government also contemplates
to: Develop a clear policy in order to eliminate
corruption regarding harvesting of forest products
and allocation of forestland for private development:
Promote development of agro-forestry and encourage
community participation in efficient management
of forests. This will be complemented with continued
re-afforestation including private sector participation
to ensure the attainment of the minimum required
forest coverage of 10% by the end of 2007.”
Having set in motion its agenda, the government
is duty-bound to translate its proposals into
action. Early this year, the ministry organized
a high-powered parley at the Coast where a cross-section
of ministers and more than one hundred and fifty
MPs attended. The meeting’s main agenda was
the country’s dwindling forestry cover. After
the parley it was agreed that come June this
year and the government would relaunch the Kenya
Forestry Master Plan (KFMP) and also pass the
Forestry Bill 2004.
Apart from the “Oxfam Lunches” at Whitesands
Hotel the venue of the Forestry Talks, nothing
ever took off from what the ministers and legislators
had discussed.
It is with such an understanding that one must
view the shamba system debate. Again it is important
that one bears in mind the history of the shamba
system. Lynette Obare and J.B Wangwe in their
Paper “Underlying Causes of Deforestation and
Forest Degradation in Kenya” reveal: “The shamba
system is adopted from the taungya system of
South America. It was devised by the Forest
Department (FD) in 1943 to facilitate plantation
establishment. This was prompted by the acute
land shortage faced by communities after colonization,
and a need to reduce plantation establishment
costs by the forest department. It was also
meant to provide food security to those who
practiced it. Under the shamba system, the cultivators
were incorporated into the FD through employment
and were permitted to clear and cultivate cut
over indigenous bush cover from a specified
land area, usually between 0.4 – 0.8 ha per
year. This is done with the agreement that tree
seedlings are planted on this land, and subsequently
tended through weeding, pruning and safeguarding
against game damage. In return the FD provided
the resident cultivators with employment, social
amenities and land for the cultivation of annual
crops such as maize, potatoes, beans, peas and
pother vegetables. Cultivation proceeded until
a time when tree seedlings were large enough
to shade, and thus inhibit the growth of annual
plant crops; usually a period of 3-5 years.
The extent of the shamba system was restricted
to the high potential areas, comprising about
3% of Kenya’s land area, and representing 12%
of Kenya’s total agricultural land. These areas
are endowed with fertile soils of volcanic origin
and a high annual (1000mm) rainfall with a bimodal
distribution.
“Clearly the Shamba system was an important
arrangement which enhanced and sustained the
food security of otherwise landless peasants.
The system was discontinued in 1986 chiefly
due to an expanded human population whose demand
for forest land allocation exceeded the initial
FD objective of plantation establishment. In
addition, illegal activities (forest clearing,
tree poaching, hunting) from the resident cultivators
and their families jeopardized forest protection
and management. Interestingly, resident cultivators
in forest areas with high wildlife populations
voluntarily gave up the practice due to crop
destruction and livestock predation.
“After the shamba system was stopped, communities
living around the forest moved in and settled
in areas that were cleared. Forest degradation
has escalated as they do not use indigenous
forest management knowledge. In the 1990s the
Forest Department introduced the Non-Resident
Cultivation (NRC) for the establishment of plantation
forests. Through the approval of the respective
District Development Committees, cultivators
were involved in plantation development under
certain terms and conditions that were enforced
be the respective Forester, District Forestry
Officer and provincial Forestry Officer. The
Non-Resident Cultivation is a modification of
the shamba system that attempts to reduce the
risk of cultivators claiming squatter rights
on forest land. The system however, fails to
take into account the need to protect crops
from wild animals and thieves that invade the
plots at night.”
Indeed this brings into perspective the raging
debate. The shamba system had recorded a 70%
failure. Indeed the arguments propounded by
Uhuru, Wamwere, Sirma, Shitanda and now supported
by former provincial administrator, Eliud Mahihu,
for the rethinking of the shamba system need
not arise. Why this should not happen is because
a careful look at the soon to be reintroduced
Forestry Bill 2004 reveals a more refined model
of the shamba system. What the politicians need
to know is that owing to the changing fortunes
of time and the burgeoning population, the shamba
system is unworkable in the present day Kenya.
For sake of clarity we kindly request the politicians
opposing the banning of the shamba system to
take a critical look at the Forestry Bill 2004
which they rejected. While the politicians have
spread the lie that the Forests Bill 2004 excludes
communities from accessing forests just like
the old Forestry Act, we choose to debunk the
myth.
Part IV of the Forests Bill 2004 is titled
“Community Participation” and contains four
clauses. These clauses read: “46 (1)A member
of a forest community may, together with other
members or persons resident in the same area,
register a community forest association under
the Societies Act. (2) An association registered
under subsection (1) may apply to the Director
(of the Kenya Forestry Service) for permission
to participate in the conservation and management
of a state forest or local authority forest
in accordance with the provisions of this Act.
(3) The application referred to in subsection
(2) shall be in the prescribed form and shall
contain – (a) the list of the members of the
association and their addresses; (b) the constitution
of the association; (c) the association’s financial
regulations; (d) the area of forest for which
the association proposes to undertake conservation
and management; (e) the association’s proposals
concerning –the use of forest resources; methods
of conservation of biodiversity; methods of
monitoring and protecting wildlife and plant
populations and enforcing such protection; and
(f) such other information as the Director may
require. (4) Where there is no management plan
in respect of the area, or where the association
proposes that there be a new management plan,
the application shall be accompanied by a draft
management plan. (5) The provisions of this
Act regarding management plans shall apply in
respect of the draft management plan submitted
under subsection (4). (6) The Director shall
cause to be kept an upto date record of all
association participating in the conservation
or management of forests.”
The Bill continues
to explain:
47 (1) “An association approved by the Director
under section 46 to participate in the management
or conservation of a forest or part of a forest
shall – (a) protect, conserve and manage such
forest or part thereof pursuant to an approved
management agreement entered into under this
Act and the provisions of the management plan
for the forest; (b) formulate and implement
forest use programmes consistent with the traditional
forest user rights of the community concerned
in accordance with sustainable use criteria;
(c) protect sacred groves and protected trees;
(d) assist the service in enforcing the provisions
of this Act and any rules and regulations made
pursuant thereto, in particular in relation
to illegal harvesting of forest produce; (e)
with the approval of the Director given in consultation
with the Board, enter into partnerships with
other persons for the purposes of ensuring the
efficient and sustainable conservation and management
of forests and forest produce; (f) keep the
Service informed of any developments, changes
and occurrences within the forest which are
critical for the conservation of biodiversity;
(g) help in fire fighting; and (h) do any other
act that is necessary for the efficient conservation
and management of the forest. (2) The management
agreement between the Director and the association
may confer on the association all or any of
the following forest user rights – (a) collection
of medicinal herbs; (b) harvesting of honey;
(c) harvesting of timber or fuel wood for an
individual’s own domestic use; (d) grass harvesting
and grazing; (e) collection of forest produce
for community based industries; (f) eco-tourism
and recreational activities; (g) scientific
and education activities; (h) undertaking of
agro forestry practices; (i) contracts to assist
in carrying out specified silvicultural operations;
(j) development of community based industries;
and (k) other benefits which may from time to
time be agreed upon between an association and
the Service; provided that (I) none of the activities
specified in this subsection shall be carried
out so as to conflict with the conservation
of biodiversity; and (ii) the director may,
in consultation with the association, make rules
regulating the performance thereof.”
Further to this the new bill gives the community
powers to assign forest user rights to qualified
agents on agreeable terms. Clause 48 (1) notes
“An association may, with the approval of the
Director, assign any or all its rights under
a management agreement to a suitably qualified
agent on mutually agreed terms. (2) The director
shall not approve any assignment or lease which
would derogate from the main objectives and
purposes set out in the management agreement.
(3) The management agreement shall be deemed
to provide that an association shall be liable
for all the activities, acts and omissions of
the assignees of its rights under the agreement.”
It is these information which the public is
starved off. Honorable Kalonzo Musyoka is a
lawyer of international repute and as such is
expected to distinguish between politics and
real benefits. He should explain to these aggrieved
communities that as far as forestry is concerned,
the Forests Bill 2004 is a friend rather than
a foe. Musyoka should traverse the width and
breadth of the country using his legal expertise
to educate the affected communities what they
stand to gain should the Bill become law. Indeed
it will be sad for him to become president and
all the trees in the watershed and water catchment
areas are gone.
Uhuru, Koigi, Shitanda, Sirma and Mahihu should
read the Forestry Bill 2004 again. Their preoccupation
with the shamba system is befuddling. Should
the bill be passed by parliament it will ensure
that communities own forests and are no longer
treated as squatters nor offering ‘slave labour’
for pitiable subsistence farming in the name
of shamba system.
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